• Alger, William Rounseville. The Genius and posture of America: an Oration delivered before the citizens of Boston, July 4, 1857. Boston, 1864. 57 pp.

"It is our design, on the present occasion,--
1st. To inquire what were the fundamental principles of our Union.
2d. How far, in the organization of the present government of the United States, these principles were maintained aby the venerated framers of our Constitution.
3d. What direful evil has, by them, through mistaken policy, been entailed upon the country.
4th. How, and by what means, the nation may be preserved from the inevitable and untimely destruction which the continuance of this evil must bring upon it."

• Austin, James Trecothick. An Oration: delivered on the Fourth of July, 1829, at the celebration of American Independence, in the city of Boston. Boston, 1829. 26 pp.

• Austin, Samuel. An Oration, pronounced at Worcester, on the Fourth of July, 1798; the anniversary of the Independence of the United States of America. Printed at Worcester, 1798. 38 pp.

* It is worthy the attention of every serious mind, who carefully traces the secret footsteps of Divine Providence, that if the late Revolution had not taken place, and America had still continued under the dominion of Great Britain, the unhappy sufferers in the cause of Freedom, both in Europe and the West Indies, would not now have had a spot on tlie globe to which they could, with propriety and safety, have retired, in case of a failure of their exertions in favor of Universal Liberty. Neither can any European nation afford so complete an asylum as the United States for the opposition, in case they should finally be driven from a country which might conceive itself essentially injured by their hostile conduct in the day of her distress.

"Yesterday the greatest question was decided that was ever debated in America, and greater perhaps never was nor will be decided among men. A resolution was passed without one dissenting Colony, that these United States are and of right ought to be Free and Independent States."

The day is passed; the second day of July, 1776, will be the most memorable epocha in the History of America. I am apt to believe that it will be celebrated by succeeding generations as the great Anniversary Festival. It ought to be commemorated as the day of deliverance by solemn acts of devotion to God Almighty. It ought to be solemnized with pomp and parade, -- with shows, games, sports, guns, bells, bonfires, and illuminations, from one end of this Continent to the other, from this time forward forevermore!
You will think me transported with enthusiasm, but I am not. I am well aware of the toil and blood and treasure, that it will cost us to maintain this Declaration and support and defend these States. Yet through all the gloom, I can see the rays of ravish- ing light and glory. I can see that the end is more than worth all the means; and that posterity will triumph in that day's transaction, even although we should rue it, -- which I trust in God we shall not."

• Everett, Edward. Success of our Republic: an Oration. New York, 1860. 26 pp. Also here.
  "Our constitutions, whether of the United States or of the separate States, exclude all public provision for the maintenance of religion, but in no part of Christendom is it more generously supported. Sacred science is pursued as diligently, and the pulpit commands as high a degree of respect in the United States as in those countries where the Church is publicly endowed; while the American missionary operations have won the admiration of the civilized world. Nowhere, I am persuaded, are there more liberal contributions to public-spirited and charitable objects. In a word, there is no branch of the mechanical or fine arts, no department of science, exact or applied, no form of polite literature, no description of social improvement, in which, due allowance being made for the means and resources at command, the progress of the United States has not been satisfactory, and, in some respects, astonishing."

The occasion, my brethren and friends, on which we have assembled, is a joyful and solemn occasion. It is no other than to commemorate the birth-day of our National Independence,--to retrace the steps by which we arrived at that event,--to review the scenes, through which we passed--to recall to mind the labors, and dangers, and sufferings by which it was obtained--and what ought to be our principal concern, to make our devout acknowledgments to that great and good BEING, by whose favor and blessing it was accomplished. And what can be more appropriate, as a theme of discourse, than the words which I have just read? In these words, MOSES, by divine direction, required of the children of Israel, annually to commemorate the day of their deliverance from the Egyptain bondage, which may be considered the day on which their National Independence commenced. They had been a nation perculiarly favored of heaven. From a single family, or rather from a single pair, they had been increased to a numerous and powerful nation. They had passed through a variety of scenes, in all which they experienced, in a peculiar degree, the favor and protection of GOD. These signal mercies demanded of them special acknowledgments. They were required, therefore, to do and observe a number of things, as memorials of particular favors which they had received. But as their deliverance from the bondage of Egypt was an event, in which the divine interposition was remarkably visible, and laid the foundation of their existence, as an independent nation, they were required to observe the day, on which it took place, ass a standing memorial of the divine goodness. And have not we, also, my hearers, experienced, as a nation, signal interpositions of divine Providence, in our favor. And ought not we to observe, as the Jews were required to do, the day on which commenced our national existence, as a memorial of the divine goodness? We have not, indeed, as they had, an express divine command to do this. But when we consider the similarity between the favors, which the Jews, as a nation, received at the hand of GOD, and those which have been conferred on us, does there not appear to be an evident propriety in it?

What I propose, therefore, on the present occasion, is, in the First place, to endeavor, more at large, to shew the propriety of commemorating the day of our National Independence, from a comparison of the national favors, which we have received, at the hand of GOD, with those which were conferred on the Jews;--and Secondly, to point out some of the ends for which it ought to be observed.

As nothing is more valuable in this life, and nothing more condusive to our temporal happiness, than liberty, and nothing more destructive to a people, and more inconsistent with their welfare than slavery, so nothing can alarm a free people more than when their liberties are invaded, and nothing afford them more joy, than when lost liberty is restored to them again, or that which is invaded properly secured. All men are born free, and liberty appears as a natural to man, as reason, and unless too far degenerated, a person will equally exert himself to preserve both. With this heavenly jewel, every thing that is near and dear to us is connected, and when this is taken from us, we become truly miserable in every respect. Therefore our fears and joys as a people will rise and fall according as it stands with our liberty.

"UNION, and FREEDOM, and VIRTUE, are ours:
We heed not the tempest, the chain, or the rod.
Delusion and faction may exhaust all their powers,--
Our virtue remains! and our hope is in GOD.

• Grimké, Thomas Smith. An Oration, delivered in St. Philip's church, before the inhabitants of Charleston, on the fourth of July, 1809, by the appointment of the South ... Charleston, 1829. 34 pp.

• Jarvis, William C. (William Charles). An Oration, delivered at Pittsfield, before the Washington benevolent society of the County of Berkshire [Mass.] on the 4th July, 1812. 2nd edition. Stockbridge, 1812. 25 pp.

• Linn, William. The Blessings of America: A Sermon preached in the Middle Dutch Church on the fourth of July, 1791 : being the anniversary of the Independence ... . New-York, 1791. 37 pp.

• Macomber, Job. A Poem, delivered in Bowdoinham, to a respectable audience, on the Fourth of July, 1806, it being the anniversary of American independence . 2nd ed. Buckstown, Me.: Printed by Anthony H. Holland, 1811. 8 pp.

"At home he was a firm opponent of all extravagance, dissipation, and sumptuary expense, and an advocate and example of the sternest republican simplicity in life and morals as the surest guaranties of the perpetuation of liberty. Indeed, he said he hoped to make Boston a "Christian Sparta." He caused the abolition of the stocks and of the whipping-posts, as being derogatory to the dignity of freemen.
"The cultivation of private and social virtue and the education of the children of all citizens by free schools may be said to have been his hobbies.
..."As early as 1764 he had opposed the slavetrade, and when a negro girl was offered as a present to his wife, he declined to receive her as a slave, saying that 'Surry must be free on crossing the threshold of his house.' She afterwards served his family faithfully thirty years.
"Such is a short view of the life of the patriot who organized the Revolution, who gave his life to the cause from a pure love of liberty and a conscientious belief in the natural right of a people to resist what is wrong in government and oppressive to the many."

• Story, Joseph. An Oration, pronounced at Salem, on the fourth day of July, 1804, in commemoration of our national Independence. Salem, 1804. 35 pp.

• Sumner, Charles. Extracts from an Oration, delivered before the authorities of the city of Boston, July 4, 1845. Wilmington, Del, 1846. 25 pp.

"LET us cultivate the principles of piety and virtue, not that unnatural alliance between church and state, so much talked of and professedly so much dreaded at the present day, but which, in our country, is probably rather an imagination than a reality; but the genuine principles of piety towards God and benevolence to men, which tend to the promotion of every civil and social virtue. A people habitually irreligious cannot be long free. Those who are endeavouring to eradicate the principles of religion and virtue, by discarding christianity, and tapping the foundation of natural religion, however extensive the benevolence may be which they profess, are our worst enemies. Tho' their song may be bewitching as a Syren, to listen to it is equally fatal. The poison of asps is under their tongues. The notion of cultivating morality without religion is nothing but the raving of a distempered fancy, if not rather the fruit of a depraved heart. This is abundantly verified by the bitter experience of all ages. Reduced to general practice it will banish benevolence out of the world, set aside the obligations of an oath, and rend asunder every other tie which, either binds man to man, or connects men in society. Such an event would be sufficient to people a continent with thieves, pick-pockets, robbers, adulterers, and midnight assassins. It would render every man every man's foe.

"--Such are the conseqences to be expected in this life, from the banishment of religion out of society, but futurity opens a prospect infinitely more awful. The notion that death is an eternal sleep, can last no longer than until the soul's separation from the body. No sooner does the unembodied spirit launch into the invisible world, than it awakes, either to the prospect of inconceivable happiness; or of unutterable and never ending woe. When we reflect upon the height to which depravity of manners, and irreligious principles are arrived in our country, we have reason to tremble for the consequences. But we would fondly hope that the disease is not yet altogether without a remedy. For faith the Lord by the prophet Jeremiah, 'At what instant I shall speak concerning a nation, and concerning a kingdom, to pluck up, and to pull down, and to destroy it. If that nation against whom I have pronounced, turn from their evil, I will repent of the evil that I thought to do unto them.'"

... "You are the actual rulers of the country. The officers of government are but delegates of your power, chosen by your voice. Directly or indirectly, all authority flows from you; from the chief Magistrate of the Union, to the lowest officer in a state. On you, therefore, rests the responsibility of having the stations in your government filled by real friends to their country, and its free institutions, not in word, but in very deed; men of upright and honorable views, scoring to sacrifice the interests of their country to their sinister ends. If such men are chosen by you to seats in the national or state legislatures, you need fear no encroachments from the former--no disunion among the latter. You may sometimes be deceived by appearances; but the frequency of elections enables you to redress the evil, if the remedy is not too long delayed. When the streams of authority that flow from your hands become corrupt, they may be purified by new draughts from the fountain of power. The elective franchise is the palladium placed in your hands to preserve the liberties of your country. Duly estimate, then, the importance of the trust. Let it be considered a sacred charge, and exercised with deliberate, serious reflection. Examine thoroughly the fitness, in rectitude of purpose as well as intelligence and experience of candidates, presented for your choice, and confide your powers to none but those who are in all these respects worthy of your confidence--and the Republic is safe! Trust not too much to loud and vehement professions of extreme regard for you. Let not the poison of flattery seduce you from your duty. Power, in whatever form, is destined to be the object of adulation."

"The principle, on which we justify the patriots of '76, is the soul of all our political institutions, the natural and inborn right of man to self-government; a right that can neither be strengthened nor impaired by precedent or prescription. On this principle the statesmen of our country have erected a scheme of civil polity, which, while it is the pride and glory of America, has extorted the admiration of the wise and good of other countries."

• Washington Society, Boston, Young Republicans of Boston. An Historical view of the public celebrations of the Washington Society, p. 93.
  The following note was received from the amiable Thomas Jefferson, on the receipt of a copy of the Oration delivered before the Society by Ashur Ware, Esq. on this anniversary:

  "Thomas Jefferson presents his respects to the Washington Society in Boston, and his thanks for the copy of Mr. Ware's eloquent oration, forwarded by their order. He is particularly happy to see the revered name they have chosen for their designation, restored to its genuine principles of union and independence; to no other than which, was its authority or countenance ever lent,"

  Monticello, August 22, 1816.

"Our political institutions, again, are but the body of which liberty is the soul; their preservation depends on their being continually inspired by the light and heat of the sentiment and idea whence they sprung; and when we timorously suspend, according to the latest political fashion, the truest and dearest maxims of our freedom at the call of expediency or the threat of passion, -- when we convert politics into a mere game of interests, unhallowed by a single great and unselfish principle, -- we may be sure that our worst passions are busy 'forging our fetters;' that we are proposing all those intricate problems which red republicanism so swiftly solves, and giving Manifest Destiny pertinent hints to shout new anthems of atheism over victorious rapine. The liberty which our fathers planted, and for which they sturdily contended, and under which they grandly conquered, is a rational and temperate but brave and unyielding freedom, the august mother of institutions, the hardy nurse of enterprise, the sworn ally of justice and order; a Liberty that lifts her awful and rebuking face equally upon the cowards who would sell, and the braggarts who would prevert, her precious gifts of rights and obligations; and this Liberty we are solemnly bound at all hazards to protect, at any sacrifice to preserve, and by all just means to extend, against the unbridled excesses of that ugly and brazen hag, originally scorned and detested by those who unwisely gave her infancy a home, but which now, in her enormous growth and favored deformity, reels with blood-shot eyes, and dishevelled tresses, and words - of unshamed slavishness, into halls where Liberty should sit throned!"

• White, William Charles. An Oration pronounced at Hubbardston: before the republicans of the North District of the county of Worcester, July 4, 1810, the thirty fourth anniversary of American Independence. 2nd edition. Boston, 1810. 15 pp.